Ankara: Trkiye and Egypt on Monday launched their first joint naval exercise in 13 years, marking a turning point in bilateral relations between the two regional powers. The five-day naval drill in the Eastern Mediterranean between September 22 and 26 comes after years of political estrangement and is widely interpreted as a signal of shifting alliances and the emergence of a new regional balance.
According to TRTworld.com, the drill, called Bahr El Sadaka in Arabic - meaning Friendship Sea - is officially titled the Trkiye-Egypt Friendship Sea Naval Operations Special Exercise. Trkiye currently ranks first among Middle Eastern militaries and ninth globally, while Egypt too has a formidable naval force. Hany Elgamal, a researcher in regional and international affairs in Egypt, interprets this cooperation through a wider geopolitical lens. It is a warning to Israel and its allies that there are other avenues through which Egypt and its allies in the region can thwart their expansionist designs in the region, Elgamal tells TRT World. He stresses that the Egypt-Trkiye cooperation disturbs Israel, particularly in light of its growing use of Greek-administered Cyprus as a military base.
The joint military drills come amid growing global pressure on Israel to end its war in Gaza, with the UK, Australia, and Canada officially recognizing the Palestinian state. Over a decade ago, Trkiye and Egypt found themselves in sharp disagreement for political reasons. Beyond security, the rapprochement is also rooted in shared positions on regional conflicts. Both experts highlight the importance of a common stance on Gaza, Syria, and energy security.
Olcar recalls that Ankara and Cairo reached a consensus on the need for a ceasefire in Gaza and the provision of humanitarian aid, describing Israeli actions as amounting to genocide. He adds that the two countries agreed to support Syria's territorial integrity and stability. Elgamal, meanwhile, emphasizes that Cairo and Ankara are aligned in preventing Syria from becoming a staging ground for sectarian fragmentation in the Middle East. The military dimension, however, remains central. Olcar insists that the naval exercise should not be viewed as a temporary tactical maneuver but rather as part of a long-term strategic alignment.
The 17 memoranda of understanding (MoUs) signed last year will provide significant support for several activities such as high-level strategic cooperation efforts. It does not seem very temporary in this sense, he says. He also suggests expanding the scope of such exercises to include Mediterranean countries like Spain and Italy, whose governments have expressed critical views of Israeli actions in Gaza, thereby broadening the emerging bloc. Elgamal, on the other hand, underscores the economic and technological aspects.
He points to a memorandum of understanding signed in Cairo in March between the Arab Organization for Industrialization and Turkish defense company Havelsan, which paves the way for joint drone production in Egypt. It is a step that will lead to the localization of drone technology at the Qadir factory, one of the most important military factories in Egypt, putting Egypt on the global drone production map, he explains. In his view, this kind of cooperation underlines that Cairo seeks not only immediate security gains but also long-term industrial benefits from its rapprochement with Trkiye.
The joint drills with the powerful Turkish navy also boost the profile and capacity of the Egyptian military, which recently conducted its Bright Star exercise with the United States. Olcar underlines the depth of history between the two countries, noting that relations are quite ancient. However, the ties nosedived after the Egyptian military coup in 2013. Ankara's discomfort grew further as the Mediterranean witnessed new geopolitical alignments involving Greece, Israel, and Egypt.
These shifts crystallized in the form of the so-called Seville map, which sharply limited Trkiye's maritime jurisdiction claims. Olcar explains that Trkiye responded with its own Blue Homeland doctrine and map, which sought to protect its rights in the Mediterranean. As a result of dialogue between Ankara and Cairo, Olcar maintains that the Blue Homeland map was effectively accepted by Egypt. This alignment has produced tangible results. Olcar points to the High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council meetings between Trkiye and Egypt, held in early September of last year, as evidence of how far rapprochement has advanced.
The main topics of this meeting were solidarity and common interests, the need for a win-win policy, and the re-establishment of peace, loyalty, and stability in the region, he said. The meetings culminated in the signing of 17 memoranda of understanding, covering areas from trade to energy and regional stability. Trade is now expected to grow to $15 billion from the current $8.6 billion between the two countries, while cooperation in the energy sector is taking shape through coordinated planning.